Both leaders ruled the state during this turbulent period but neither could complete their term. Yadav, as chief minister from December 5, 1989 to June 24, 1991, vowed to safeguard the Babri mosque to “protect the Constitution”; Singh as chief minister from June 24, 1991 to December 6, 1992, pledged to adhere to the Constitution but faced a one -day conviction after the demolition on December 6, 1992.

The three years of intense political and social turmoil saw the two bitter political rivals using acerbic, sometimes abusive, language against each other. They went on to earn the sobriquet of Hindu Hriday Samrat (Kalyan) and Maulana Mulayam. In the process they polarised their vote banks. It’s another matter that by the late 1990s they had become uncomfortable political allies, only to permanently part on an acrimonious note with an apology to their respective parties and supporters.

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The Congress had until then ruled the state but its fortunes started dwindling around the same time and have not revived until now. The Janata Dal and Lok Dal gradually faded as Yadav grabbed the secular-socialist space.

The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) was in its infancy and joined hands with a “secular” SP against the “communal” BJP, sporadically ruled the state in coalition with one and all and later independently from 2007-2012, thereafter, which political lethargy caught up with the leadership.

Almost 25 years later, the state is again witnessing a vitriolic exchange between the BJP and the SP with chief minister Yogi Adityanath and SP president Akhilesh Yadav occupying centre stage.

Reminiscent of the Kalyan-Mulayam days, Yogi and Akhilesh are dominating the political discourse, which now revolves around the new version of Mandal vs Kamandal – the BJP’s aggressive Hindutva and the PDA (consolidation of backward, Muslim and Dalits) formula of the SP, albeit with a marked difference.

Back then, the backward leaderships of both the parties were at the forefront. Today, Rajput (Yogi) vs Yadav (Akhilesh) are setting the stage for a fierce 2027 assembly polls in a caste conscious state. Interestingly, the Mandal fire had compelled the BJP, until then dominated by the Brahmins, to make a major shift in its caste composition as it had then suited the party to let its backward face Singh emerge as their temple icon and also dent the opposition’s backward politics. Both Kalyan Singh and Mulayam Singh Yadav belonged to two powerful OBC groups of western UP – Lodh (Kalyan) and Yadav (Mulayam).

The BJP high command’s intention to somehow stop Akhilesh in the tracks is clear. After a major setback in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, in which the SP took away a major chunk of their seats in UP, the BJP, while currently riding the strongest Hindutva wave in the state, is in no mood to underestimate Akhilesh and his much-talked about PDA formula.

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As the political slugfest narrows down to the BJP and the SP, where does it leave the BSP and the Congress?

While the Congress may continue its alliance with the SP, accepting it as a big brother, the BSP has to decide on which side of the fence it would prefer to be.

Of late, after sacking and re-inducting the promising Akash Anand into the party fold, without any strings attached, the BSP has issued statements, which have largely been against the SP.

The major challenge before the party is to remove the BJP’s B team tag as many in the political circles believe that the party has been activated primarily to ensure Dalits don’t vote for SP-Congress combine as it could weaken the saffron party.

Recently when Karni Sena (a Rajput organisation) had attacked the Agra residence of SP’s Rajya Sabha member Ramji Lal Suman (a Dalit), who is playing a key role in the party’s Dalit outreach programme, over his disparaging comments against Rajput ruler Rana Sanga, Mayawati had accused the SP leadership of attempting to incite violence by using Dalits as a tool. She had said the party was exploiting Dalits for political gains under the guise of PDA.

However, a direct fight between two groups led by the BJP and the SP may once again polarise the state on communal and caste lines leaving little room for a third player to muscle in and pick up seats as in 2024. In such a scenario, the BSP may have to choose a poll partner to win some seats, which is crucial for its political future.