The coalition agreements signed by Netanyahu with these parties defined a hardline and annexationist agenda, including the expansion of settlements in the West Bank, a plan that would effectively bury the already comatose two-State solution. Crucial portfolios were traded over to ultra-nationalist and far-Right politicians; the most ironic of these appointments was Itamar Ben-Gvir, an extremist Right-wing settler politician with a history of open racism who was made minister of national security with expanded powers; inevitably tensions in the West Bank spiked, and the familiar circle of violence and counter-violence followed swiftly.

Internally the coalition looked to strengthen the orthodox community. It considered a restriction of the prevailing law of return under which any person or their spouse who can claim at least one Jewish grandparent can immigrate to Israel even though they may not be strictly Jewish; such a restriction would impact immigration from the erstwhile Soviet Union states. Other aspects of liberal life in Israel, including LGBTQ+ rights, also came under threat. These moves angered not only the liberal Israelis but also hundreds of American rabbis, who signed letters opposing these plans.

But what got Israel out on the streets was the government’s proposed judicial overhaul. Israel has no written constitution and only a unicameral parliament; the relationship of the judiciary with the executive and legislature has been an unscripted one, evolved by practice over the years. The judiciary, largely controlled by members of the elite European or Ashkenazi community, has developed a liberal, secular image along with a reputation for activism, in some ways replacing Israel’s fading Left. Rising nationalist and religious forces find the Supreme Court (SC)’s activism to be a hindrance in their efforts to mould Israel in their own vision, particularly when it comes to the questions of Israeli settlements or minority rights. The judiciary has also opposed the extension of privileges for the ultra-Orthodox Jews — or the Haredim — and ruled as unconstitutional the laws that would allow mass exemptions for the Haredim from compulsory military service in order to leave them free to engage in Torah studies. Secular Israelis feel the ultra-Orthodox community — more than 10% of Israel’s population — is a non-contributing burden on the country’s economy.

Under the proposed reform, the government wanted to change the composition of the nine-member committee that appoints judges, and gain a decisive majority on the panel, effectively making the judiciary subservient to the executive. Additionally, the reforms targeted the SC’s powers to strike down laws it considered unreasonable. Falling across all this was Netanyahu’s own long shadow, as a man trying to wriggle out of his criminal trial by muzzling the judiciary.

The significance of the protests, which reached their climax when Netanyahu threatened to fire the defence minister for opposing the plan, lies in their widespread nature: Military reservists, former generals and intelligence chiefs and even veterans of the elite commando unit Sayeret Matkal (once commanded by Yoni Netanyahu, the PM’s own brother, during the iconic Entebbe operation), were on the streets. The reason is that the protests are not just about judicial reforms; at stake is the Israeli way of life and the future direction of the country.

The issues are by no means resolved; in Netanyahu’s own words this is just “time-out for dialogue”. But time will hopefully foster reflection. Israel is a country of great contradictions, a society of extreme nuance. The beaches and bars of Tel Aviv are only a few kilometres away from the Haredim bastion of Bnei Brak; varying shades of Jewish tradition — from Europe to West Asia to Africa and even India — rub shoulders on the tiny land; state-of-the-art industry jostles with ancient abstruse rituals. With Arabs comprising a fifth of its population, the country is forever trying to square the circle of being a Jewish State as well as a democracy. The conflict with the Palestinians is a festering wound; the remaking of relations with the Arab world is still tentative; the crucial relationship with the US is under stress. The country’s governance requires wisdom and vision, tolerance and balance: That is the only way to sustain the miracle of Israel.

Navtej Sarna is a former ambassador of India to Israel and the United States as well as high commissioner to the United Kingdom

The views expressed are personal