By effectively declaring himself above law, and now by defying judicial orders on immigration-related cases, Trump is ratcheting up the confrontation with the one pillar of American democracy than can still halt his administration’s actions. This is a battle that Trump feels comfortable fighting. He doesn’t think the judiciary has much popular legitimacy; the judiciary has no other tool but executive compliance to enforce his decisions; if he fights them on immigration, it is easy to construct a potent even if false narrative casting judges as partisan to “illegal aliens”. But how this battle shapes up will answer a key question: Will independent judicial authority and individual civil liberties survive in America or be subject to executive arbitrariness?

Trump’s second battle is against the US legislature, a battle that gets obscured by the slim Republican majorities in both the Senate and the House of Representatives. This battle has two dimensions. The first is Trump’s clear move to usurp Congressional authority with the relentless use of executive orders in a range of areas from tariffs to immigration, from government spending to the very existence of Congressionally mandated government institutions. The second dimension is the unprecedented pressure and threat that the White House is bringing to bear on legislators on the Hill to toe its line. For now, in both cases, Trump is prevailing, but how the battle evolves will answer a fundamental question: Will the Congress remain a co-equal branch of the American government or a subservient one? Will legislators hold the executive to account or be an instrument of the executive?

Trump’s third battle is with the administrative State. What we have witnessed is the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE)’s work, the dismantling of agencies and departments, the downsizing of personnel, the plans to dramatically whittle down the State Department, and the weakening of regulatory institutions. Its consequences are yet to fully play out. And there will be resistance in some form eventually. But this battle will answer a key question: Can a US, without the architecture of the current American State, remain stable and effective internally, and powerful and dominant externally? And after the demolition, is there an agenda for construction?

Trump has opened a fourth front against business, markets and the Federal Reserve with his tariff policy. Both American and international capital remain shaken by the policy uncertainty induced by Trump’s swings on the subject. The markets are regularly sending a negative message about tariffs and US credibility. Trump wants Fed chair Jerome Powell to lower interest rates; Powell has refused to be bullied and has flagged risks of unemployment and inflation. The markets took another beating as it witnessed this executive breach into central bank turf. These are serious institutional strains at a time when the economy faces real risk of not just a downturn but recession. And that has political implications: Can Trumpian economic shock and Trumpian political dominance coexist?

On the fifth front, Trump has openly targeted American civil society, universities, and independent professions. His ideological world sees these as liberal bastions controlled by a tiny few whose doors were closed for conservatives. But it is hard to escape the conclusion that Trump’s actions represent a direct assault on America’s knowledge infrastructure, on science and independent thought, on lawyers and academics, on the non-profit world — all because they are not seen as politically pliable. Can America retain its democratic and knowledge advantage while eroding mechanisms of democracy and sources of knowledge?

Trump’s sixth front is against allies both in the Americas and Europe, with his contempt highest for those most dependent on the US. This has caused a fundamental rupture in the Trans-Atlantic strategic alliance, opened doors for a major break in the West’s internal economic relationship, and led allies in Asia to doubt American commitment to their security. At the same time, allies, partners and even most antagonists are keen to cut bilateral deals with the US rather than face Trumpian wrath. So, will this battle result in a break in the US-led alliance system or its consolidation with a reset of terms of ties in the US’s favour?

Seven, whether it was planned or imposed to lend retrospective coherence to the tariff policy swings, Trump has opened an economic front with China. He will hurt China’s exports but will also hurt American consumers and business. The economic war can spill over to the strategic space anytime. The challenge of both competing and maintaining peace with China will become harder. This will open opportunities but also create new threats for other players. Alternatively, if the two sides arrive at a deal, the terms of the deal may well be to the detriment of other stakeholders in the region. How this battle plays out will determine whether the US and China can live in peace and on what terms.

Then there are Trump’s battles against diversity and inclusion, climate and environment, international law and multilateral order. In his first 100 days, Trump has clearly waged an all-out war. It can help consolidate his power or invite a backlash. This story has just begun.