Resourceful allocation
State funding of elections is a term much bandied about. Equally, it is a much misunderstood term and means different things to different people. To some, it involves direct disbursal of monies to candidates wishing to stand for elective office.
State funding of elections is a term much bandied about. Equally, it is a much misunderstood term and means different things to different people. To some, it involves direct disbursal of monies to candidates wishing to stand for elective office. To others, it involves payment of monies to political parties who in turn may use it not only to contest in the elections but also to run the political party. For many, it involves no disbursal of monies, but only provision of assistance in kind viz. for petrol, vehicles and the like. Some countries provide government services free of charge to candidates during elections while others provide only indirect subsidies such as tax incentives and reliefs.
The basic object behind state funding remains two-fold, viz. reducing illegal funding of elections and increasing equal opportunity for political participation. It would be illusory to think that state funding would improve or even appreciably affect these two parameters: it is only a beginning which, over time and coupled with a multi-pronged holistic electoral reform package, can be useful.
The Congress-led UPA government has recently suggested a move in this direction. The Congress party has responded with a concrete proposal for state funding. It is an elementary model, which may be usefully built upon. It is premised on the principle that disbursals would be in kind or as reimbursements towards admissible heads of expenditure. Cash assistance is not envisaged. The disbursal would be through the political party concerned and not directly to candidates. It is designed as state funding of elections and not funding of political parties as such. The party could use the funds allocated for a list of admissible heads of expenditures by its candidates in national and state elections but the inter se allocation by the party over the different heads would be left to the discretion of the party concerned.
The model would allocate funds as follows. Since there are 540 Lok Sabha seats with varying official expenditure limits permissible, an average upper figure of Rs 25 lakh per parliamentary constituency is assumed. The total for all Lok Sabha seats would then work out to Rs 235 crore. Similarly, multiplying the number of seats in the legislative assemblies of each of the 30 states and union territories by different monetary figures permissible as maximum official expenditure depending on category of state concerned, the total permissible expenditure on all state assembly seats would aggregate Rs 373.60 crore. This total figure of Rs 608.60 crore would then be disbursed to political parties, both recognised national and state level parties, by taking the average of the number of total votes polled by the party in the last three general elections as a base point and calculating the percentage of votes polled vis à vis the total votes polled. The funds would be allocated to each party in the same proportion as the vote percentage in the above formula.
The admissible heads of expenditure over which such state funding would be utilisable include provision of paper for printing election literature, voter identity slips, postage stamps, electoral rolls, loudspeakers, telephone, petrol, diesel and airtime on the national broadcaster and private channels. This could be the basis for consultations with other political formations.
Some of the surrounding support structures which may be looked at in the next and larger phase of electoral reform (with which state funding has to be harmonised) would include not only continuance of political donations by corporations (as presently permissible) but making such contributions tax deductible. They could also be excluded from the present permissible limit of allowable election expenditures.
A more revolutionary reform could be the abolition of MPLAD grants to MPs and MLAs (currently in disrepute) and the utilisation of these funds in an enhanced programme of state funding of elections.
Lastly, state funding could in future be made subject to compliance by political parties of requirements of furnishing regular periodic accounts, intra party elections, strict observance of electoral expenditure limits and full disclosure as per all prescribed forms.
Mass appeal
How does an AICC session look and feel from the inside? For one, it is a huge affair—the recent Hyderabad plenary (which means AICC plus PCC members attend) was planned for 10,000 people but had over 17,000 attendees. Secondly, since it is a party (and not government) affair, ministers take second place and sit as commoners whereas party office bearers sit on the dias. Thirdly, there is an instant feeling of bonding since thousands of persons from all parts of the country with no apparent commonality converge under the uniting bond of the party. Fourth, contrary to popular belief, politicians are not all or always pompous and stuffy but are constantly pulling each others legs and cracking jokes.
The most palpable and tangible emotion is the outpouring of support and respect for the party president. Sonia Gandhi is a most disciplined soldier of the party apart from being its leader: punctual to a fault, cajoling and controlling speakers to be brief, paying attention to details and sitting patiently through the entire proceedings. The constitution of the party is scrupulously adhered to and efforts are made to see that every Congress worker is given an opportunity to have his or her say.