Vowing to exact political vengeance, Reddy proclaimed he would dismantle KCR and his political dynasty. At that time, riding high on his political dominance, KCR dismissed Reddy as a political lightweight. The fulfilment of Revanth Reddy's pledge by leading the Congress party to power—an outcome not anticipated by even the most fervent critics of the BRS government until six months ago—must rankle KCR.

BRS' transition, and KCR’s dream

Another disheartening aspect for KCR would likely be the collapse of his national aspirations following his defeat in the home state. The transformation of Telangana Rashtra Samithi, the regional party he founded in 2002 after parting ways with the TDP to advocate for a separate state, into the BRS in 2022 with aspirations for a significant role in national politics, was doomed from the outset.

The shift was unconvincing, given that KCR had built his political capital over more than two decades by fanning regional sentiments and separatist fervour. During the peak of his Telangana agitation, KCR turned ‘Andhra’ into a term of abuse. A seasoned orator, KCR rallied the population of the Telangana region to the cause of bifurcation.

After completing two terms with minimal opposition, KCR harboured national ambitions and rebranded his party. However, despite the initial hype, he achieved little. In comparison, the late NT Rama Rao who founded the TDP — another regional powerhouse — played a pivotal role in the formation of the National Front in the 1990s. KCR's proposal for a third front failed to materialise. With this recent state assembly defeat, KCR's national foray is looking more unlikely than ever.

KCR's plans to pass on the reins of power in the state to his son KT Rama Rao, already the second-in-command in both the party and the government, also suffered a setback.

Image management

Envisioning himself as the ‘Father of Telangana’, KCR endeavoured to mould the region in his own image. In pursuit of this vision, he sought to redefine the history of Telangana from 1956 — when the region merged with Andhra — to 2014 — when it attained statehood as Telangana — as a narrative of a dark chapter replaced by a new era.

The demolition of the secretariat buildings that had served the government since 1956, followed by the construction of an imposing new secretariat, exemplified this. However, his latest defeat in the Kamareddy constituency, where he contested against a BJP candidate in addition to his original seat Gajwel, dealt a severe blow to his larger-than-life image.

As it turned out, KCR seldom visited his newly constructed secretariat, preferring to spend the majority of his time at his expansive 120-acre agricultural campus in Erravalli, Medak district. Throughout his two terms as chief minister, he remained inaccessible, avoiding meetings with his own party members and MLAs, not to mention government secretaries. Even ministers seldom had the opportunity to meet with him. In 2018, KCR kept the party hopefuls waiting for a long two months before he formed the cabinet. Predictably, following the recent electoral setback, KCR promptly headed to his farmhouse, dispatching his resignation letter to the Governor through his officer on special duty.

During KCR's tenure, the BRS government was largely administered by his son, KT Rama Rao, with some contributions from his nephew, T Harish Rao. Additionally, his daughter, K Kavita, served as a prominent face of the ruling party. The prevailing expectation is that KTR will now take an active role in the opposition and lead his party.

However, this doesn't imply that KCR has opted for political retirement. Quite the opposite. KCR is an adept strategist who relishes staying one step ahead of his opponents. While he may not always prefer to be actively involved in on-the-ground battles, this has been a consistent approach for KCR. Now, with his family members—themselves seasoned leaders—actively engaged in the political arena, he is expected to orchestrate his next campaign against the Congress government from his farmhouse.

Rivalry turns personal

Given the personal animosity between KCR and the incumbent chief minister Revanth Reddy, there are many uncertainties for the BRS top leadership in the coming months. Reddy repeatedly declared in his election campaign that he would build a two-bedroom apartment for KCR and his family in Chanchalguda Central Jail, a snide reference to the previous government’s double-bedroom housing scheme. Revanth, known for his aggressive posturing that matches KCR's, was imprisoned for a month there and may seek retribution.

During the MLC elections in 2015, the state Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) caught the then TDP MLA Revanth Reddy allegedly offering ₹50 lakh to nominated MLA Elvis Stephenson in a sting operation. He was arrested and spent a month in jail before receiving bail. Reddy, denying the allegations, attributed the entrapment to KCR.

While BRS’s national aspirations have suffered a setback, the party’s influence in Telangana remains substantial. Despite a narrow defeat, the party maintains strong leadership at the district level. Given the relatively modest anti-incumbency sentiment in these elections and KCR's enduring popularity as a heroic Telangana leader, there is no immediate cause for despair within the party.

However, the real challenge lies in addressing the rising influence of the BJP, a formidable contender waiting in the wings. With the BJP securing eight MLAs in this election, a significant increase from its 2018 tally of just one, the saffron party is eyeing Telangana with aspirations to emerge as the primary opposition.

Speculation has arisen regarding the BJP possibly pressuring KCR to form an alliance for the upcoming parliamentary elections, although this appears improbable at the moment. What remains to be seen is how KCR plans to stage a comeback in the general elections, navigating the landscape with two national parties vying for control of the state.