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India-Indonesia: Strengthening maritime ties

ByRahul Mishra, Prisie L Patnayak
Feb 20, 2025 03:08 PM IST

This article is authored by Rahul Mishra and Prisie L Patnayak. 

Despite their geographical proximity, shared maritime interests, and mutual concerns, India and Indonesia’s collaborative maritime efforts have historically been limited compared to their respective partnerships with other regional and global players. However, the evolving geopolitical landscape and increasing political alignment between New Delhi and Jakarta in recent years have prompted both nations to adopt a more proactive approach in maritime cooperation.

President Droupadi Murmu with President of Indonesia Prabowo Subianto (President's Office) PREMIUM
President Droupadi Murmu with President of Indonesia Prabowo Subianto (President's Office)

The two nations are increasingly realising the importance of enhancing their maritime security cooperation, recognising their shared interests in safeguarding the Indo-Pacific region.

During the Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto’s recent India visit a number of security and defence related issues figured in the discussions, which were followed by the visit of an Indonesian delegation, led by navy chief Muhammad Ali, to the BrahMos Aerospace Headquarters who were briefed about the design, capabilities, and knowhow of the BrahMos supersonic missiles.

Once approved, this $ 450 million deal would make Indonesia, the second Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) member State, to acquire the formidable 290-km range missile from India, which is jointly manufactured by India and Russia. Considering that BrahMos might be heavy on Jakarta’s pocket, Delhi is considering extending a Line of Credit for an expeditious and smooth deal. The upcoming Defence Ministers’ Dialogue between the two sides should be seen in that context.

Earlier, in December 2024, Indian Navy Admiral Dinesh K Tripathi made an official visit to Indonesia from December 15-18. During this visit, he engaged in high-level discussions with Indonesia’s defence minister, the commander of the armed forces, and the chief of the Indonesian navy. The focus areas included strengthening naval cooperation, joint training initiatives, and addressing common maritime challenges such as piracy, illegal fishing, and smuggling. The visit coincided with the 43rd India-Indonesia Coordinated Patrol (CORPAT) conducted from December 8-10, 2024, at Sabang Port, Indonesia.

India-Indonesia naval cooperation dates back to 1958 when the two nations signed an agreement for training, naval officer exchanges, and joint exercises. However, subsequent political shifts limited their engagement. It was only with India’s Look East Policy in the 1992 that bilateral maritime collaboration was revived. Indonesia participated in the MILAN naval exercise in 1995, and in 2002, the two nations initiated CORPAT, primarily in response to piracy in the Malacca Straits. During the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami crisis, the Indian Navy deployed ships to Aceh province, delivering life-saving and medical assistance.

A turning point came in 2014 when both nations’ leaderships prioritized maritime strategy. President Joko Widodo’s Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) and Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) provided a strong framework for engagement. The 2016 bilateral summit led to a joint statement on maritime cooperation, which further materialized into a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP) in 2018. The launch of the Samudra Shakti naval exercise that year further expanded the scope of bilateral maritime collaboration, including elements of maritime warfare and law enforcement.

While there has been a notable increase in naval engagements, the depth of operational cooperation remains a challenge. The CORPAT initiative, which began as a response to piracy and regional instability, has not significantly evolved to address contemporary threats such as cyber threats to maritime infrastructure, hybrid maritime security challenges, and strategic grey-zone operations by China.

Moreover, despite signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in 2020 between the Indian Coast Guard and Bakamla RI (Indonesian Coast Guard), implementation has been slow, with limited progress in joint patrols and intelligence-sharing. This contrasts with Indonesia’s growing engagement with China, which has expanded through port infrastructure investments and offshore energy exploration.

A key component of India-Indonesia maritime cooperation is connectivity. In 2018, the two countries launched the Sabang Initiative and the Aceh-Andaman economic and tourism corridor to bolster economic ties. India was tasked with developing the Sabang Port in northern Sumatra, facilitating trade and logistics between the Andaman & Nicobar Islands and Indonesia’s Sumatra provinces. However, progress has been slow, echoing India’s broader challenges in completing regional connectivity projects, as seen in delays in its Myanmar-Thailand infrastructure initiatives.

Further, while Indonesia has welcomed investments in port infrastructure from multiple stakeholders, India has yet to secure significant maritime infrastructure projects in Indonesia. Unlike China, which actively funds and develops Indonesian ports under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), India’s engagement has remained at a conceptual stage.

Energy cooperation is another underdeveloped area. The India-Indonesia Energy Forum was launched in 2017 with an aim to explore oil and gas collaborations, yet no major joint projects have materialized. Given Indonesia’s vast offshore energy reserves and India’s growing energy demands, deepening energy collaboration could serve as a critical dimension of their maritime partnership.

Looking ahead, India and Indonesia have several opportunities to reinforce their maritime cooperation. Key areas include:

* Enhanced maritime law enforcement: A restructured CORPAT exercise that includes active law enforcement drills, anti-drug smuggling operations, and counterterrorism exercises would better address contemporary security challenges.

* Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA): Despite geographical proximity, India and Indonesia lack a white-shipping information-sharing agreement. Expanding information exchange mechanisms would improve real-time maritime situational awareness.

* Integration with IFC-IOR: India’s Information Fusion Centre for the Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR), established in 2018, hosts liaison officers from various regional players, but Indonesia is yet to participate. Integrating Indonesia into IFC-IOR would bolster coordinated maritime monitoring efforts.

* Port development and logistics: India’s strategic port initiatives under SAGARMALA and Project MAUSAM could complement Indonesia’s GMF to develop critical logistics corridors and maritime infrastructure.

* Cooperation in blue economy: Sustainable fishing practices, deep-sea mining exploration, and marine biodiversity conservation present viable avenues for collaboration.

Delhi and Jakarta have made significant strides in recent years, but concrete systematic and systemic steps are needed to transform diplomatic agreements into operational successes. Both countries share strategic concerns about China’s maritime expansion and must proactively strengthen their maritime security infrastructure. The shared vision of a free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific provides a strong foundation for expanding bilateral engagement. Strengthening India-Indonesia maritime security and connectivity will not only enhance bilateral ties but also contribute to broader regional stability in the Indo-Pacific.

The maritime security partnership between India and Indonesia has made notable strides in recent years. However, it is now time to solidify the theoretical commitments and formal agreements into concrete actions. With the current leadership in both nations and their shared maritime aspirations, strengthening this strategic partnership can significantly bolster mutual security goals and contribute to greater regional stability.

This article is authored by Rahul Mishra, senior research fellow, German-Southeast Asian Center of Excellence for Public Policy and Good Governance, Thammasat University, Thailand, and associate professor at the Centre for Indo-Pacific Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, and Prisie L Patnayak, doctoral candidate, Centre for Indo-Pacific Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

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