These principles included respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations, respect for fundamental human rights, equality of all races, non-intervention and non-interference, and settlement of all international disputes by peaceful means. The Bandung Conference paved the way for the birth and development of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) from 1961 onwards.

Are the Bandung Principles still relevant when many are celebrating the 70th anniversary of the historic conference hosted by Indonesia? Indeed, they are – the fruit of a rare meeting of minds between two great continents, which represented over half of the world’s population. They laid the foundations of South-South cooperation. The Bandung Principles have retained their relevance seven decades after the 1955 conference ended.

The task of examining and appreciating their relevance comes up at a particularly challenging moment. We are living through the Turbulent Twenties of the present century, a period of the polycrisis encompassing the Covid pandemic, Ukraine war, conflicts in West Asia, and now the change of administration in the US. We live in a topsy-turvy world!

While reviewing the current state of international relations, one can detect at least seven defining trends.

First, there is the striking US withdrawal from multilateral institutions such as the World Health Organization (WHO), the Paris Agreement on climate change, the adoption of a tough attitude towards the UN, the erosion of the World Tarde Organization (WTO)-anchored system, and general negativity or neglect towards BRICS and G20. Second, heightened territorial interest, as seen on issues such as the threat to take back the Panama Canal, renaming of the Gulf of Mexico, viewing Canada as ‘the 51st state,’ the plan to acquire Greenland ‘one way or another,’ and the scheme to turn Gaza into ‘the Middle East’s Riviera.’ Third, a new complex US message given to Europe is: become self-reliant for security, ‘stop fleecing us,’ and go for peace as other, more pressing challenges face the world.

Fourth, the signal to Ukraine and Russia is unmistakable: stop the war on terms set through the US mediation, which includes major concessions by Ukraine on territory and admission to NATO, as well as some climb down by Russia. Fifth, lines have been drawn clearly in West Asia: the US covers Israel, views Iran as a major threat, and wishes to work with the Gulf states and others on the IMEC project. Sixth, with President Trump's announcement of new tariffs on April 2 and subsequent fast-paced developments, experts fear a trifecta of global trade war leading to disruption in the supply chains, inflation, and recession. Finally, with G7 unity in tatters, the quotient of multipolarity has increased considerably. This imparts a new momentum to regionalism. “All geopolitics is regional now,” wrote an eminent Indian scholar recently.

The sum and substance of it all is this: The old order is giving way, but the contours of the new order are still unclear.

Now, let us examine the impact of changes on the Global South. There is a clear thread running from the Bandung Principles to the core elements of the Global South. It relates to the opposition by a large chunk of humanity to exploitation, domination, injustice, and advocacy of equity, fairness, and inclusivity. The immediate result is the painful marginalization of the Global South in the past three months. The global agenda of developing countries comprising, inter alia, debt relief, support for Sustainable Development Goals, financing for energy transition and development, reform of multilateral institutions, and access to digital transformation, has been overtaken by issues that matter to the Great Powers like the US, EU, Russia, and China.

With amazing speed, the solid achievements secured by the four consecutive presidencies of G20 by developing nations – Indonesia, India, Brazil, and South Africa – have been eroded. The result of these combined endeavours was twofold: G20 reflected, by consensus, the principal concerns and expectations of the developing world, and it opened its doors to full membership of the African Union (AU) in September 2023 under the Indian presidency. But G20 seems to be nowhere in the media today.

What is India’s approach to the fast-changing geopolitics? India is committed to protecting its national interest and advancing the Global South's interests. A judicious blend of fundamental principles, values, and pragmatism moulds its foreign policy.

On the critical issue of US tariffs, New Delhi foresaw the future, swiftly arranged an early interaction between President Trump and Prime Minister (PM) Modi in Washington, and secured an agreement to launch negotiations for a Bilateral Trade Agreement (BTA). The government hopes to receive the US President in Delhi for the next Quad Summit. Besides, in the coming days, two other important US visitors will be in India: the Vice President and Usha Vance and the National Security Adviser.

On the broader question of helping and leading developing nations, India’s initiative to host three editions of the ‘Voice of Global South Summit’ (VOGSS) between January 2023 and August 2024 needs to be commended. Besides, PM Modi recently updated his 2015 vision, which was named Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR), elevating it to Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth across Regions (MAHASAGAR). This strategy requires a combination of bilateral, regional, and multilateral diplomacy to be pursued with vigour and creativity.

While celebrating the 70th anniversary of the Bandung Conference, India and Indonesia have a special responsibility to collaborate to advance the cause of the Global South. Their top leaders – President Prabowo Subianto and PM Narendra Modi – approved the roadmap in January 2025. They welcomed existing close coordination between the two countries in the multilateral fora, reaffirmed their commitment to reformed multilateralism, and agreed to undertake joint diplomatic initiatives to further enhance cooperation in international forums for shaping global governance. The two governments are also keen to expand their cooperation relating to BRICS (which Indonesia joined recently), the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), the ASEAN, the Indo-Pacific Initiatives, and trilateral cooperation. What is needed is a meticulous and timely implementation of these decisions.

Our world is indeed adrift today. This perception forms a most compelling imperative for India and Indonesia to work more closely. The spirit of the Bandung Conference and its Ten Principles must guide them and others in the quest for a just, equitable, and inclusive world order.

This article is authored by Rajiv Bhatia, Distinguished Fellow, Gateway House, former ambassador and author of three books on Indian foreign policy.