“These parties have realised that they had better be on the right side of the right to be able to appeal to the voters,” said Susarla Nagesh who has tracked and analysed the elections for more than four decades.

Regional parties are also beginning to realise the need to talk about issues that concern national pride, the country’s growth and security.

Both the Dravidian parties in Tamil Nadu have for long reflected this sentiment with the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) allying with the Congress and the BJP to resolve riparian issues such as the Kaveri water sharing or the Sri Lankan Tamil issue.

“As a regional party, I am clear that my interests do not lie beyond Tamil Nadu. So, when there is a national election, my primary motive is to gauge which party can offer my state a good deal and truck with them,” said Kovai Sathyen, senior All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) leader and party spokesperson. Sathyen made it clear that the AIADMK is not looking to rejoin the NDA at this point.

The Telugu Desam Party (TDP) in Andhra Pradesh has a similar view. The party’s national spokesperson Pattabhi Ram underscored how Chandrababu Naidu, the national president of the party was able to win over the Delhi lobby to bring about legislation favourable for the then an undivided state between 1999 and 2004 when he was chief minister. “In coalition politics, cordiality is a must and in 1999, AP benefited greatly from central policies when Chandrababu Naidu was the convenor of the National Democratic Alliance and subsequently CM of united AP. Also, with Andhra Pradesh going to polls conterminously with the country, we do realise that national issues have a bearing on the people’s minds. However, we are not surrendering to the BJP like Jagan Mohan Reddy did,” Pattabhi said.

In neighbouring Telangana, the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) understands that the statehood sentiment is now past its sell date — it recently lost to the Congress in the assembly elections held last November.

“So, we are asking the people if BJP’s schemes have worked better than ours. What direct development benefits have the BJP’s four MPS from Telangana succeeded in obtaining for the state?” said Krishank Manne from the BRS. While refusing to answer the question if this narrative will hold water in the upcoming election, he said the party had nothing to lose with the recently concluded Telangana state elections.

However, the parties that have chosen to associate with the Congress’ Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) recognise their narrative projects the BJP as a threat to Indian democracy. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) spokesperson Saravanan Annadurai said that though the BJP and Congress do not have an ideological foundation in Dravidianism, the party’s decision to stay loyal to the Congress comes from its “defeat the BJP” idea, which in turn, seeks to avoid “a Hindutva India”.

The Communist Party of India (Marxist) in Kerala finds DMK’s idea palatable and is perhaps in the INDIA bloc for ostensibly the same reasons. A CPM veteran P Jayarajan explains it thus: “The CPM is 24 carat pure gold. The Congress is old gold. In a state election, the Congress-led United Development Front (UDF) is who we fight. But in a general election, we still support the Congress, because the BJP is like a corrosive metal that eats away at the Indian constitutional values.”

Few others such as the JDS in Karnataka have exhibited affection for both the BJP and the Congress in times of need. Even at the height of power in 1996, when JDS founder HD Devegowda became prime minister, he was part of the United Front alliance, which was a coalition of political parties across India. Much later in 2004, the JDS was a leading partner of the ruling coalition along with the Congress before switching sides later to join the NDA and fight alongside the BJP in the ensuing general election.

Koteswara Rao, author and political analyst said that this loss of a narrative the regional parties face is also on account of the excessive centralisation of companies, agencies, regulatory authorities and policies.

“The delicate state of state finances has rendered governments powerless. They are now akin to larger municipal bodies and thus need the support of the central government to implement development projects for their respective regions,” he said. From GST to allowing greater borrowing capacity, the states are dependent on the Centre’s compassion, he said.

However, Susarla Nagesh points to “trust” and “stability” being key factors for a national election. In the wake of the Janata Dal (United) leader Nitish Kumar quitting the INDIA bloc and rejoining the NDA after multiple U-turns, he says that the Indian electorate is now more discerning and wiser. “People look forward to deliverables. Although regional parties and national parties may not always be on the same page ideologically, the main question the Indian voter is now asking is, ‘Who is better for my country?” he said.

The BJP’s Mounika Sunkara from Telangana sets the contest for the regional parties’ compulsion to align with either national party. “In the wake of the Ayodhya Ram Temple movement, the parties that want to consolidate Hindu votes for themselves are joining the NDA fold across northern and southern India. She reckons that though caste identities exist, they will all eventually merge into the larger Hindu narrative when it comes to a general election.”

Religion apart, she ascribes Modi’s development agenda to be another case in point that resonates with a cross-section of voters, carving a compulsive use case for parties to side with the right-wing party. This automatically leaves parties with anti-Hindutva ideology to walk with the Congress.

Deepika Amirapu is a multi-media journalist who has reported for print, broadcast, and online news corporations since 2008. She writes on business and politics. The views expressed are personal.